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WASHINGTON — The Obama administration, hoping that the conflict in Syria has reached a turning point, is considering deeper intervention to help push President Bashar al-Assad from power, according to government officials involved in the discussions.
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While no decisions have been made, the administration is considering
several alternatives, including directly providing arms to some
opposition fighters.
The most urgent decision, likely to come next week, is whether NATO
should deploy surface-to-air missiles in Turkey, ostensibly to protect
that country from Syrian missiles that could carry chemical weapons. The
State Department spokeswoman, Victoria Nuland, said Wednesday that the
Patriot missile system would not be “for use beyond the Turkish border.”
But some strategists and administration officials believe that Syrian
Air Force pilots might fear how else the missile batteries could be
used. If so, they could be intimidated from bombing the northern Syrian
border towns where the rebels control considerable territory. A NATO
survey team is in Turkey, examining possible sites for the batteries.
Other, more distant options include directly providing arms to
opposition fighters rather than only continuing to use other countries,
especially Qatar, to do so. A riskier course would be to insert C.I.A.
officers or allied intelligence services on the ground in Syria, to work
more closely with opposition fighters in areas that they now largely
control.
Administration officials discussed all of these steps before the presidential election. But the combination of President Obama’s
re-election, which has made the White House more willing to take risks,
and a series of recent tactical successes by rebel forces, one senior
administration official said, “has given this debate a new urgency, and a
new focus.”
The outcome of the broader debate about how heavily America should
intervene in another Middle Eastern conflict remains uncertain. Mr.
Obama’s record in intervening in the Arab Spring has been cautious:
While he joined in what began as a humanitarian effort in Libya, he
refused to put American military forces on the ground and, with the
exception of a C.I.A. and diplomatic presence, ended the American role
as soon as Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi was toppled.
In the case of Syria, a far more complex conflict than Libya’s, some
officials continue to worry that the risks of intervention — both in
American lives and in setting off a broader conflict, potentially
involving Turkey — are too great to justify action. Others argue that
more aggressive steps are justified in Syria by the loss in life there,
the risks that its chemical weapons could get loose, and the opportunity
to deal a blow to Iran’s only ally in the region. The debate now
coursing through the White House, the Pentagon, the State Department and
the C.I.A. resembles a similar one among America’s main allies.
“Look, let’s be frank, what we’ve done over the last 18 months hasn’t
been enough,” Britain’s prime minister, David Cameron, said three weeks
ago after visiting a Syrian refugee camp in Jordan. “The slaughter
continues, the bloodshed is appalling, the bad effects it’s having on
the region, the radicalization, but also the humanitarian crisis that is
engulfing Syria. So let’s work together on really pushing what more we
can do.” Mr. Cameron has discussed those options directly with Mr.
Obama, White House officials say.
France and Britain have recognized
a newly formed coalition of opposition groups, which the United States
helped piece together. So far, Washington has not done so.
American officials and independent specialists on Syria said that the
administration was reviewing its Syria policy in part to gain
credibility and sway with opposition fighters, who have seized key
Syrian military bases in recent weeks.
“The administration has figured out that if they don’t start doing
something, the war will be over and they won’t have any influence over
the combat forces on the ground,” said Jeffrey White, a former Defense
Intelligence Agency intelligence officer and specialist on the Syria
military. “They may have some influence with various political groups
and factions, but they won’t have influence with the fighters, and the
fighters will control the territory.”
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